V. Drahan PROBLEMS OF THE STATE OF WESTERN UKRAINIAN CULTURE IN THE AUBROP OF AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN TREATMENT IN THE CREATIVE HERITAGE OF STEFAN KOVALIV

Introduction. In the article, on the basis of the creative heritage of Stefan Kovaliv, the socio-economic situation of the western Ukrainian village in the time of the Austro-Hungarian domination was characterized. From the content of stories S. Kovaliv obvious that farmers being desperate taxes, debts, litsytatsiyeyu or other kinds of exploitation and humiliation were forced to resort to a variety of steps to improve their lot, but mostly succeeded only one. Purpose. In the article, we aim to study, on the basis of the selected creative heritage of Stefan Kovaliv, the issues of everyday life, which the population in the western Ukrainian countryside had during the Austrian-Hungarian domination. Results. From the analysis of the content of the articles and works of S. Kovaliv’s short prose, which we selected separately, it follows that he was a direct witness of what he wrote of his memory. In his works S. Kovaliv’s not only tried to outline the problems and peculiarities of socio-standing economic Galician rural region so-called «Galician California», but also shared personal thoughts and advice addressing their peasant «dark» to be at least something to help them get rid of such a difficult, bad luck, overcome the material difficulty, etc. Conclusion. In the course of the conducted research it is determined that the multi-genial works of S. Kovaliv on the edge are attracted primarily by the richness of living observations and the brightness of the descriptions, which makes it possible to truly see the problems of life and life of the population with which it was in fact in the last quarter of the nineteenth century.

Introduction. A significant number of studies are devoted to history of rural resistance movement. Of special interest are researches that were published in 1990s, which stand out due to the absence of ideological stratification. The level of spotlight of rural movement in 1917 -early 1920s is generally uneven for different regions of Ukraine. Most studies traditionally outline the territorial isolation of rural rebellion movement of the age of revolutions according to the principle -Right Bank Ukraine, Left bank Ukraine, South of Ukraine. Major part of researches that describe resistance movement in separate regions have general character. Such differentiation allows in a way to understand the existing diversity of rebellion typology, tactics and strategy of struggle particularly in Right Bank Ukraine, Left Bank Ukraine and South of Ukraine, which were often determined by, for example, peculiarities of local landscape, specifics of historical circumstances in given territory, etc. Besides, the activities of rebels and their ideological choices were different within separate of the abovementioned regions. These peculiarities of resistance movement were representative in separate regions, which until recent times were almost unstudied. However, with the emergence of studies by V.Revehuk [1], S.Bohan [2], K.Zavalniuk [3], Yu.Fedorovskyi [4], Ya.Motenko [5], which were devoted to resistance movement, particularly in Poltava region, Odesa region, Podillia region, Mykolaiv region, Donbas region and Kharkiv region, such gaps were partly shut.
Attention to the insurgent movement becomes highly specialized, more and more details are revealed, new biographical data of the leaders of the peasant rebellion are found. Both in Ukraine and abroad, the topic of peasant movement research is relevant.
In the process of research of problem historiography, we have to acknowledge that at the basis of rural movement we may find peasantry's discontent with agricultural relationships that lead to struggle for land, in the process of which, peasantry succeeded in establishing its own norms of regulation of life.
Main part. With the start of revolutionary events in 1917, rural movement activated, while landless peasantry's disappointment in inability of Temporary Government, and later of Ukrainian's governments to solve agricultural question became a stimulating factor in the struggle. In the course of the events of the Ukrainian Revolution, the peasants became increasingly convinced that they could become owners of land in case they control their own country. We may say that the peasant movement in the circumstances of the revolution was modernized: there was a combination of social and national elements. Quite clearly this may be traced in the mass peasant movement of 1918, which part of historians objectively calls the peasant war [6]. And in the conditions of the anti-peasant repression policy that was implemented by the Soviet government, the peasant movement became a form of partisaninsurgent struggle [7].
Worthy of note is the multifaceted work of V. Famous researcher of the period V.Soldatenko defined the attitude towards Free Cossacks as a "specific formation", which in concrete historical circumstances was capable of "conventionally speaking pulsating functioning -either rapidly increasing in number, or fading for a while " [8, P.13]. The scientist states: "In the "Free Cossacks" organization there were more disadvantages than fruitful, purposeful work". However, he does not deny the participation of free cossacks detachments in the winter of 1917 -1918 in opposition to the Bolshevik aggression, as convinced by the authors of two volume essays "History of the Ukrainian Cossacks" [9].
Certainly, the Free Cossacks during the second half of 1917 -April 1918 declared themselves as an increasingly organized, growing from the peasant protesting chaotic mass, structure capable of leading a broad mass of people in the process of both guarding order and protection of Ukrainian statehood.
Returning to this article by V. Shcherbatyuk, we will support the reference to a collective observation "Shevchenko's land: historical and ethnographic research", one of the characteristic features of which is the attraction of a significant amount of new archival material to the scientific circulation [10]. On its basis and special scientific literature, the distribution of the restoration of the Ukrainian Cossacks from the Zvenigorod county of the Kyiv province to other counties was traced, and then over the Dnipro River, into the Poltava province, Chernihiv, Katerinoslavschyna. The authors emphasized that the number of Free Cossacks in 1917 reached 60 000, proving that with this power the Ukrainian Central Rada could have created a solid basis for a young statehood, use it in order to ensure order. However, as noted, the leaders of the Ukrainian Revolution from the very beginning very suspiciously resorted to the creation of Cossack detachments.
In the summer of 1918, the peasant movement became massive. This was clearly expressed during the raids of Nestor Makhno, who in July 1918 carried out his first operation, and already in September carried out a number of raids on the territory of several counties of Ekaterinoslav province. In particular, N. Zemzyulin, as the driving force behind the peasant movement in the southern steppes of Ukraine, considers provocative actions of Austro-Hungarian detachments, punitive expeditions of landowners and powerlessness of the Ukrainian authorities [12, P.34].
In the summer of 1918, the peasant movement became massive. Most clearly this was manifested during the abovementioned Zvenigorod armed uprising. Researchers convincingly state that the Zvenigorod armed uprising is one of the greatest moves of peasants against the presence of Austro-Germanic troops in Ukraine and their policy in the region. Modern scientists are, by general, point at the fact that the main force of armed unrests were units of Free Cossacks, formed in 1917, and the action had national-liberal character [13].
The abovementioned unrest supported the development of civil society, enriched experience of rural population in their fight with invaders, had a big impact on general population and contributed to further rising confrontation with hetman administration, the main characteristics of which were stipulated by P. Pyrih. Іn the paper "Activities of the Governments of Hetman Pavlo Skoropadsky: A Personal Dimension," a wellknown explorer of Hetmanate R. Piigig notes that instead of the parliamentary form of government, the revolutionary-democratic entity, the socialist ideological orientation of the UPR, came the Ukrainian state in the traditional for the 17-18 Art., but archaic for the 20th century. the form of Hetmanate. It was based on conservative and liberal values based on the right of private property, as well as Ukrainian territorial patriotism, tolerant to the Russian spiritual and cultural heritage. Accordingly, such a format of the structure of relations could not provoke social opposition and specifically the peasant rebel movement. [14].
In particular, V. Soldatenko states that in this region in August the territory controlled by the insurgents was considerably increased compared to June, and the armed units for a long time seized a large number of settlements.
Year 1918" stated that the number of rebels reached 80 thousand and the number of strikers -more than 150 thousand [11]. Anti-hetman protests escalated greatly in Right Bank Ukraine. Particularly, as stated in the work, in Right Bank Ukraine the territory that was controlled by rebels expanded in August, in comparison with June, and armed units took over a large number of cities and villages. The scientist highlighted that the idea to overcome the hetman regime appeared during unrests in 1918. Later, the author stated that during preparation of new unrests in spring, leaders understood the necessity to avoid mistakes that took place in summer as the movement had to become more organized, a new plan had to be developed, forces had to be gathered and distributed etc. The scientist noticed fairly that revolt was in need of trusted, energetic and initiative center. The main role in this was played by V. Vynnychenko, M. Shapoval, S. Petliura. P. Hai-Nyzhnyk called the overthrow of hetman state an insurgency and its center -Bila Tserkva. The article of the author "The set-up of governmental service during Ukrainian revolution" adds important data for historiography of rebellion movement in Kyiv regionon the second day of general appearance (November 15) 30 thousand rural people were mobilized and armed [15]. Nevertheless, the large army of rebels that supported the triumphal move to Kyiv, melted as fast as it was created. This can be explained by the fact that the majority of rural people went home fast, after overcoming hetman regime, to divide pan's land. As P. Hai-Nyzhnyk stated that was done when Ukraine was surrounded by enemies [15]. In rural rebellion movement that was characterized by large-scale and increasing organization the land question remained dominant. The delay in solving the problem by Ukrainian governments led to spontaneity of rural movement. It should be noticed that the abovementioned was mainly caused due to the lack of strict command over rebels.
O. Ganja was involved in the problems of the peasant rebel movement, the situation of the Ukrainian village [16]. Among the reasons for the birth of the insurgent movement, the historian calls the world war, which taught people to weapons and devalued human life, the presence in the countryside of a large number of weapons, the lack of experience in peaceful political struggle and the inability of government structures to resolve pressing issues by parliamentary methods, the emergence in the village of so-called "superfluous" people who had no place in Bolshevik structure of society.
Conclusions. Rural movement is an example of self-organization of population, military armed resistance to the invaders, defense of own rights and freedoms and resistance to breaking the rooted experience of many generations of way of managing on their own land. For example 34 out of 93 anti-Bilshovyk uprisings took place in Kyiv region that accounted for 37% of overall uprisings, in Chernihiv region -20%, Poltava region -18,2%, Kherson region -8,6%, Kharkiv region -7,5%, Podilskyi and Katerynoslavskyi regions -4,3%. Thus, in 1917-1919 Kyiv region became one of the main centers of rebellion movement in Ukraine. [13] Its growth was promoted by the preservation of the local traditions of the Ukrainian Cossacks in the memory of the local population. Rural population groups and organized in 1917, in Zvenyhorodskyi district, Free Cossacks not only survived the struggle against the invasion of the Bilshovyks in early 1918, but also caused them significant losses. The rebellion movement of rural population intensified even more with the arrival of the Austro-Germanic troops in Ukraine, and as a result of not solving the agrarian question. The researcher of agrarian question in Ukraine during specified period, S. Kornovenko, states that Ukrainian revolution 1917-1921 had a rural character. The researcher points out: "the participants -the antagonists of the revolution had similar views and approaches to solve the relevant socioeconomic and socio-political problems of the time. One of the problems was liquidation of landlord land tenure." It is stated that bilshovyky N. Makhno, P. Vranhel proclaimed liquidation of landlord land tenure as high priority task in realization of theirs agrarian policies. In contrary to soviet liquidation of landlord land tenure that should have been transformed into nationalization of land, the plan of Makhno and Vranhel supposed to give land to rural population and legalize this process. Accordingly, such ideological differences between key players have generated the phenomenon of the rural revolution. The essence of the phenomenon was in the fact that it was a form of socio-political and social selforganization of rural population that were united in order to solve mutual cultural, socio-political and socioeconomical question.
Prospects are the research areas associated with the personalization of peasant performances, the attraction of ethnographic material, memoir sources that preserves the diaspora and domestic archival materials, yet contain many interesting plots that will help to make scientific intelligence locally deeper.